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Northern Ireland
Introduction
Northern Ireland is part
of the United Kingdom and covers 5,459 square miles (14,139
km²) in the northeast
of the island of Ireland, about a sixth of the total area
of the island. It has a population of 1,685,000 (April
2001) — between
a quarter and a third of the island's total population.
Northern Ireland consists of six of the nine counties
of the province
of Ulster. In Britain, it is generally known as one of
its four Home Nations, forming a constituent part of
the United
Kingdom. Some of these terms have controversial implications
in relation to political ideologies concerning the constitutional
status of Northern Ireland. The remainder
of the island of Ireland is a sovereign state, the Republic
of Ireland.
As an administrative division of the United
Kingdom, Northern Ireland was defined by the Government
of Ireland Act, 1920,
and has had its own form of devolved government in a similar
manner to Scotland and Wales. The Northern Ireland Assembly
is, however, currently suspended. Northern Ireland's
legal system descends from the pre-1920 Irish legal system
(as does the legal system of the Republic of Ireland),
and is therefore based on common law. It is separate from
the jurisdictions of England and Wales or Scotland.
Northern Ireland has been for many years
the site of a violent and bitter ethno-political conflict
between those
claiming to represent Nationalists, who are predominantly
Catholic, and those claiming to represent Unionists, who
are predominantly Protestant. In general, Nationalists
want Northern Ireland to be unified with the Republic of
Ireland, and Unionists want it to remain part of the United
Kingdom. Unionists are in the majority in Northern Ireland,
though Nationalists represent a significant minority. In
general, Protestants consider themselves British and Catholics
see themselves as Irish.
The campaigns of violence have become known popularly as
The Troubles. The majority of both sides of the community
have had no direct involvement in the violent campaigns
waged. Since the signing of the Belfast Agreement in 1998,
many of the major paramilitary campaigns have either been
on ceasefire or have declared their war to be over.
History
The area now known as Northern Ireland has had a diverse
history. From serving as the bedrock of Irish resistance
in the era of the plantations of Queen Elizabeth and James
I in other parts of Ireland, it became itself the subject
of major planting of Scottish and English settlers after
the Flight of the Earls in 1607 (when the native Gaelic aristocracy
fled to Catholic Europe).
The all-island Kingdom of Ireland (1541—1800)
merged into the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
in 1801
under the terms of the Act of Union. The kingdoms
of Ireland and Great Britain merged under a government and
monarchy based in London. In the early 20th century, Unionists
led by Sir Edward Carson opposed the introduction of Home
Rule in Ireland. Unionists were in a minority on the island
of Ireland as a whole, but were a majority in the northern
province of Ulster, and a very large majority in the counties
of Antrim, and Down, small majorities in the counties of
Armagh and Londonderry (known as Derry in the Republic),
with substantial numbers also concentrated in the nationalist-majority
counties
of Fermanagh and Tyrone. These six counties, containing an
overall unionist majority, would later form Northern Ireland.
The clash between the House of Commons and
House of Lords over the controversial budget of Chancellor
of the Exchequer
David Lloyd-George produced the Parliament Act 1911, which
enabled the veto of the Lords to be overturned. Given that
the Lords had been the unionists' main guarantee that a home
rule act would not be enacted, because of the majority of
pro-unionist peers in the House, the Parliament Act made
Home Rule a likely prospect in Ireland. Opponents to Home
Rule, from Conservative Party leaders like Andrew Bonar Law
and Lord Randolph Churchill to militant unionists in Ireland
threatened the use of violence, producing the Larne Gun Running
incident in 1912, when they smuggled thousands of rifles
and rounds of ammunition from Imperial Germany for the Ulster
Volunteer Force. Lord Randolph Churchill famously told a
unionist audience in Ulster that "Ulster will fight,
and Ulster will be right."
The prospect of civil war in Ireland was
seen by some as likely. In 1914, the Third Home Rule Act,
which contained provision for a temporary partition, received
the Royal Assent. Its implementation was suspended for the
duration of the intervening First World War, which was expected
to last only a few weeks but in fact lasted four years. By
the end of the war, the Act was seen as dead in the water
with public opinion in the majority nationalist community
having moved from a demand for home rule to something more
substantial, independence. British Prime Minister Lloyd-George
proposed in 1919 a new bill, which would divide Ireland into
two Home
Rule
areas, twenty-six counties being ruled from Dublin, six being
ruled from Belfast, with a shared Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
appointing both executives and a Council of Ireland, which
Lloyd-George believed would evolve into an all-Ireland parliament.
Partition of Ireland, Partition of Ulster
In United Kingdom law, Ireland was partitioned in 1921 under
the terms of the Government of Ireland Act 1920. Six of the
nine Ulster counties in the north-east formed Northern Ireland
and the remaining three counties joined those of Leinster,
Munster and Connacht to form Southern Ireland. Whilst the
former came into being, the latter had only a momentary existence
to ratify (in United Kingdom law) the Anglo-Irish Treaty
that ended the Anglo-Irish War.
Under the Anglo-Irish Treaty, Northern Ireland
was provisionally scheduled to be included in the Irish Free
State, though
it could opt out should the Parliament of Northern Ireland
elect so to do. As expected, it did so immediately. Once
that happened, as provided for, an Irish Boundary Commission
came into being, to decide on the territorial boundaries
between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. Though
leaders in Dublin expected a substantial reduction in the
territory of Northern Ireland, with nationalist areas like
south Armagh, Tyrone, southern Londonderry and urban territories
like Derry and Newry moving to the Free State, it appears
that the Boundary Commission decided against this. The British
and Irish governments agreed to leave the boundaries as they
were defined in the 1920 Act. The
Council of Ireland provided for in the Treaty, to link Northern
Ireland and the Irish Free State, did not come into being.
1925 to the Present
In June 1940, to encourage the Irish state to join with
the Allies, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill indicated
to the Taoiseach Éamon de Valera that the United Kingdom
would push for Irish unity but, believing that Churchill
could not deliver, de Valera declined the offer. The British
did not inform the Northern Ireland government that they
had made the offer to the Dublin government.
The Ireland Act 1949 gave the first legal guarantee to the
Parliament and Government that Northern Ireland would not
cease to be part of the United Kingdom without consent of
the majority of its citizens, and this was most recently
reaffirmed by the Northern Ireland Act 1998. This status
was echoed in the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, which was
signed by the governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic
of Ireland. Bunreacht na hÉireann, the constitution
of the Republic, was amended in 1999 to remove a claim of
the "Irish nation" to sovereignty over the whole
of Ireland (in Article 2), a claim qualified by an acknowledgement
that the southern state only could exercise legal control
over the territory formerly known as the Irish Free State.
The new Articles 2 and 3, added to the Bunreacht to replace
the earlier articles, implicitly acknowledge that the status
of Northern Ireland, and its relationships within the United
Kingdom and with the Republic of Ireland, would only be changed
with the agreement of a majority of voters in Northern Ireland.
An acknowledgement that a decision on whether to remain in
the United Kingdom or join the Republic of Ireland rests
with the people of Northern Ireland was also central to the
Belfast Agreement, which was signed in 1998 and ratified
by plebiscites held simultaneously in both Northern Ireland
and the Republic. However, many unionist leaders equivocate
when asked if they would peacefully accept a reunited Ireland
if a majority in Northern Ireland sought it.
A plebiscite within Northern Ireland on
whether it should remain in the United Kingdom, or join the
Republic, was held
in 1973. The vote went heavily in favour (98.9%) of maintaining
the status quo with approximately 57.5% of the total electorate
voting in support, but most nationalists boycotted the poll.
Though legal provision remains for holding another plebiscite,
and
former Ulster Unionist Party leader David Trimble some years
ago advocated the holding of such a vote, no plans for such
a vote have been adopted.
Demographics and Politics
The population of Northern Ireland was estimated as being
1,710,300 on 30 June 2004. In the 2001 census, 53.1% of the
Northern Irish population were Protestant, (Presbyterian,
Church of Ireland, Methodist, and other Protestant denominations),
43.8% of the population were Roman Catholic, 0.4% Other and
2.7% none.
A plurality of the present-day population
(40%) define themselves as Unionist, 22% as Nationalist and
35% define themselves
as neither. According to a 2005 opinion poll, 58% express
long term preference of the maintenance of Northern Ireland's
membership of the United Kingdom, while 23% express a preference
for membership of a united Ireland. This discrepancy
can be explained by the overwhelming preference among Protestants
to remain a part of the UK (85%), while Catholic preferences
are spread across a number of solutions to the constitutional
question including remaining a part of the UK (25%), a united
Ireland (50%), Northern Ireland becoming an independent state
(9%), and "don't know" (14%). Possible explanations
for this include disillusionment with Northern Irish politics
surrounding the constitutional question, and others who support
the Union but only so long as that is the preference of the
majority of the people of Northern Ireland.[citation needed]
(See demographics and politics of Northern Ireland) Official
voting figures, which reflect views on the "national
question" along with issues of candidate, geography,
personal loyalty and historic voting patterns, show 54% of
Northern Ireland voters vote for Pro-Unionist parties, 42%
vote for Pro-Nationalist parties and 4% vote "other".
Opinion polls consistently show that the election results
are not necessarily an indication of the electorate's stance
regarding the constitutional status of Northern Ireland.
Most of the population of Northern Ireland
are at least nominally Christian. The ethno-political loyalties
are allied,
though not absolutely, to the Roman Catholic and Protestant
denominations and these are the labels used to categorise
the opposing views. This is, however, becoming increasingly
irrelevant as the Irish Question (a phrase used for the internal
dispute in Britain concerning Irish nationalism and calls
for independence) is very complicated. Many voters (regardless
of religious affiliation) are attracted
to Unionism's conservative policies, while other voters are
instead attracted to the traditionally leftist, nationalist
Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and its party platform
for Social Democracy. For the most part, Protestants feel
a strong connection with Great Britain and wish for Northern
Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Catholics generally
desire a greater connection with the Republic of Ireland,
or are less certain about how to solve the constitutional
question. A quarter of Northern Irish Catholics support Northern
Ireland remaining a part of the United Kingdom.
Protestants have a slight majority in Northern
Ireland, according to the latest Northern Ireland Census.
The
make-up of the Northern Ireland Assembly reflects the appeals
of the various parties within the population. Of the 108
members, 59 are Unionists and 42 are Nationalists (the remaining
seven are classified as "other"). Although the
Protestant population is the majority, the largest religious
denomination is the Roman Catholic Church, followed by the
Presbyterian Church in Ireland, the Church of Ireland (Anglican),
and the Methodist Church.
The two opposing views of British unionism and Irish nationalism
are linked to deeper cultural divisions. Unionists are predominantly
Protestant and often descendants of mainly Scottish, English,
Welsh and Huguenot settlers and indigenous Irishmen who had
converted to one of the Protestant denominations.
Nationalists are predominantly Catholic
and usually descend from the population predating the settlement.
Discrimination
against nationalists under the Stormont government (1921–1972)
gave rise to the nationalist civil rights movement in the
1960s. Some Unionists argue that any discrimination was
not just because of religious or political bigotry, but also
the result of more complex socio-economic, socio-political
and geographical factors. Whatever the cause, the existence
of discrimination, and the manner in which Nationalist anger
at it was handled, was a major contributing factor which
led to the long-running conflict known as The
Troubles.
The political unrest went through its most violent phase
in recent
times between 1968 and 1994.
The main actors have been the Provisional Irish Republican
Army and other republican groups who wish to bring about
an end of the union with Great Britain, and various loyalist
paramilitary groups who wish to maintain the union. The police
force (the Royal Ulster Constabulary) and the British army
were charged with maintaining law and order, though were
frequently attacked by the nationalist community and republican
paramilitaries who claimed that they were protagonists in
the conflict.
As a consequence of the worsening security situation, self-government
for Northern Ireland was suspended in 1972. Since mid-1997,
the main paramilitary group, the Provisional IRA, has observed
a ceasefire. Following negotiations, the Belfast Agreement
of 1998 provides for an elected Northern Ireland Assembly,
and a power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive comprising
representatives of all the main parties. These institutions
have been suspended by the British Government since 2002
after Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) allegations
of spying by people working for Sinn Féin at the Assembly
(Stormontgate). The resulting case against the accused Sinn
Féin member collapsed and the defendant later admitted
to being a British agent.
On 28 July 2005, the Provisional IRA declared an end to
its campaign and has since decommissioned what is thought
to be all of its arsenal. This final act of decommissioning
was performed in accordance with the Belfast Agreement 1998,
and under the watch of the International Decommissioning
Body and two external church witnesses. Many unionists, however,
remain sceptical. This IRA decommissioning is in contrast
to Loyalist paramilitaries who have so far failed to decommission
many weapons. It is not thought that this will have a major
effect on further political progress as political parties
linked to Loyalist paramilitaries do not attract significant
support and will not be in a position to form part of a government
in the near future.
Nationality and Identity
People from Northern Ireland are British citizens on the
same basis as people from any other part of the United Kingdom
(e.g. by birth in the UK to at least one parent who is a
UK permanent resident or citizen, or by naturalisation).
In addition to British citizenship, people
who were born in Northern Ireland on or before 31 December
2004 (and most
persons born after this date) are entitled to claim Irish
citizenship. This is as a result of the Republic of Ireland
extending Irish nationality law on an extra-territorial basis.
Originally passed in 1956, the legislation was further developed
in 2001 as a result of the Belfast Agreement of 1998, which
stated that:
The two governments recognise the birthright of all the
people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be
accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose,
and accordingly confirm that their right to hold both British
and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and
would not be affected by any future change in the status
of Northern Ireland.
This was subsequently qualified by the Twenty-seventh Amendment
to the Constitution of Ireland, which stated that, "notwithstanding
any other provision of [the] Constitution," no-one would
be automatically entitled to Irish citizenship unless they
had at least one parent who was (or was entitled to be) an
Irish citizen. The subsequent legislation (Irish Nationality
and Citizenship Act 2004) came into effect on 1 January 2005
and brought Irish nationality law broadly into line with
British nationality law.
Today a constitutional right to Irish citizenship still
exists for anyone who is both:
- Born on the island of Ireland (including its "isles
and seas").
- Born to at least one parent who is, or
is entitled to be, an Irish citizen.
In general, Protestants
in Northern Ireland see themselves primarily as being British,
while Catholics regard themselves
primarily as being Irish. Several studies and surveys performed
between 1971 and 2006 show this. This does not however, account
for the complex identities within Northern Ireland, given
that many of the population
regard themselves as "Ulster" or "Northern
Irish," either primarily or as a secondary identity.
In addition, many regard themselves as both British and Irish.
Not everyone in Northern Ireland regards
themselves as being Irish, particularly not Protestants.
A 1999 survey showed
that 51% of Protestants felt "Not at all Irish" and
41% only "weakly Irish."
Geography
and Climate
Northern Ireland was covered by an ice sheet for
most of the last ice age and on numerous previous occasions,
the
legacy of which can be seen in the extensive coverage of
drumlins in Counties Fermanagh, Armagh, Antrim, and particularly
Down. The centrepiece of Northern Ireland's geography is
Lough Neagh, at 151 square miles (392 km²) the largest
freshwater lake both on the island of Ireland and in the
British Isles, and the third largest lake in Western Europe.
A second extensive lake system is centred on Lower and
Upper Lough Erne in Fermanagh. The largest island of Northern
Ireland is Rathlin, off the Antrim coast. Strangford Lough
is the largest inlet in the British Isles, covering 150
square kilometres.
There are substantial uplands in the Sperrin Mountains
(an extension of the Caledonian fold mountains) with extensive
gold deposits, granite Mourne Mountains and basalt Antrim
Plateau, as well as smaller ranges in South Armagh and
along the Fermanagh–Tyrone border. None of the hills
are especially high, with Slieve Donard in the dramatic
Mournes reaching 848 m (2782 feet), Northern Ireland's
highest point. Belfast's most prominent peak is Cave Hill.
The volcanic activity which created the Antrim Plateau
also formed the eerily geometric pillars of the Giant's
Causeway on the north Antrim coast. Also in north Antrim
are the Carrick-a-Rede Rope Bridge, Mussenden Temple and
the Glens of Antrim.
The Lower and Upper River Bann, River Foyle and River
Blackwater form extensive fertile lowlands, with excellent
arable land also found in North and East Down, although
much of the hill country is marginal and suitable largely
for animal husbandry.
The valley of the River Lagan is dominated by Belfast,
whose metropolitan area includes over a third of the population
of Northern Ireland, with heavy urbanisation and industrialisation
along the Lagan Valley and both shores of Belfast Lough.
The whole of Northern Ireland has a temperate maritime
climate, rather wetter in the west than the east, although
cloud cover is persistent across the region. The weather
is unpredictable at all times of the year, and although
the seasons are distinct, they are considerably less pronounced
than in interior Europe or the eastern seaboard of North
America. Average daytime maximums in Belfast are 6.5°C
(43.7°F) in January and 17.5°C (63.5°F) in
July. The damp climate and extensive deforestation in the
16th and 17th centuries resulted in much of the region
being covered in rich green grassland.
Highest maximum temperature: 30.8°C (87.4°F) at
Knockarevan, near Garrison, County Fermanagh on 30 June
1976 and at Belfast on 12 July 1983.
Lowest minimum temperature: -17.5°C (0.5°F)
at Magherally, near Banbridge, County Down on 1 January
1979.
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